Dalam karyanya “Muhammad, Marx, Marhaen : The roots of Indonesian socialism” (1962), Jeanne S Mintz menyebut setidaknya ada tiga sumber utama ide sosialis di Indonesia: pertama, ia berasal dari struktur asli masyarakat pedesaan agraris Indonesia. Suatu bentuk kolektivisme dan ‘demokrasi’ asli Indonesia yg berlandaskan pada gotong royong dan kepemilikan bersama terhadap tanah dan sumber daya alam. Kedua adalah stimulus Islam khususnya aliran reformis-modernis yg mengandung di dalamnya prinsip keadilan sosial dan anti eksploitasi kolonial. Terakhir barulah tradisi sosialisme Eropa dengan berbagai variannya tetapi terutama sosialisme ilmiah Marx menjadi pengaruh paling utama.
Perpaduan dari unsur-unsur tersebut itulah yang kemudian melahirkan berbagai varian ideologis dari sosialisme di Indonesia, yaitu yang secara umum terbagi menjadi: 1) Sosialisme religius atau sosialisme Islam, 2) Sosialisme demokratik, 3) Marxisme-Leninisme (komunisme), dan 4) Marxisme nasionalis, yang termasuk di dalamnya ’Marhaenisme’ Sukarno dan Murba-isme Tan Malaka.
Tulisan ini adalah bentuk ringkas dari apa yang sedang saya kembangkan menjadi bab awal dari tesis saya. Secara umum saya ingin menguraikan sebuah peta genealogis dari pemikiran-pemikiran yang terkait dengan sosialisme di Indonesia sebelum akan lebih fokus pada sosialisme demokratik dan demokrasi sosial dari PSI (Partai Sosialis Indonesia) Sutan Sjahrir. Sejarah genealogis ini khususnya mencakup periode setengah abad pertama abad keduapuluh yang paling krusial dalam pembentukan varian-varian sosialisme Indonesia
Stimulus Islam dan Keagamaan Lokal
Sumber utama gerakan protes sosial di Jawa sejak abad ke-19 adalah perpaduan antara solidaritas masyarakat agraris khususnya petani (peasants) yg tereksploitasi oleh sistem-sistem tanam paksa dan perkebunan swasta Eropa dengan stimulus keagamaan. Bentuknya pun bervariasi dari yang berbentuk fenomena perbanditan sosial, perlawanan pasif berupa penolakan untuk membayar pajak dan upeti, hingga pemberontakan terbuka.
Tulisan-tulisan tentang gerakan sosial tampaknya banyak terinspirasi dari karya-karya sejarawan Marxis Inggris, Eric Hobsbawm, tentang ‘primitive rebels’ tapi di Indonesia umumnya diwakili oleh kajian-kajian Sartono Kartodirdjo mengenai pemberontakan petani dan ideologi milenarianisme atau “Ratu Adil” yang mewarnai banyak pembangkangan sosial dan gerakan berbasis Islam hingga awal abad ke-20.
Salah satu contoh paling terkenal dari model gerakan sosial-religius yang bermuatan ‘sosialis’ atau bahkan digambarkan sebagai ‘proto-komunis’ adalah gerakan Samin di kawasan Kendeng, Karesidenan Rembang sejak tahun 1890-an hingga 1920-an. Saminisme sendiri adalah suatu ajaran dari Ki Surentiko Samin yang menganggap dirinya sebagai agama Jawa asli dan menolak otoritas baik dari penguasa kerajaan maupun kolonial Belanda serta menganggap tanah dan sumber alam sebagai milik bersama sehingga mereka menolak upeti ataupun eksploitasi alam apapun.
Banyak dari arus gerakan milenarian sejenis kemudian terserap dalam pergerakan modern khususnya pada periode awal Sarekat Islam (SI) dibawah kepemimpinan kharismatis Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (1882-1934). Periode ini justru menjadi krusial sebagai transformasi dari fase ‘proto-sosialis’ menuju suatu bentuk ‘sosialisme religius’ berlandaskan Islam.
Dalam banyak hal sosialisme islam muncul sebagai ekspresi penolakan terhadap Marxisme yang setelah revolusi di Rusia tahun 1917 menjadi gerakan komunisme internasional, dan segera mengidentifikasi diri sebagai bagian dari gerakan sejenis di Timur Tengah dan Asia Selatan. Meski memiliki paralel yg jelas dengan sosialisme religius di dunia Kristen, sosialisme Islam dibesarkan oleh modernisme Islam dan resistensi anti-kolonial, semacam sayap progresif dari gerakan islamisme yang baru muncul setelah keruntuhan Turki Utsmani pada tahun 1924.
Dalam risalah “Islam dan sosialisme” Tjokroaminoto menegaskan bahwa sosialisme Islam merupakan sosialisme etis-religius yang diturunkan dari prinsip keislaman dan kebijakan yang bertujuan pada keadilan dan kesejahteraan sosial, sebagaimana dicontohkan Nabi Muhammad dan para sahabat pada masa kekhalifahan awal.
Prinsip serupa tetap dipertahankan dan dikembangkan oleh para tokoh partai Masyumi (1945-1960). Pada perkembangannya sosialisme religius ini sedikit banyak bersinggungan dengan visi ‘welfare state’ kaum sosial demokrat pasca perang tapi juga sangat keras menolak determinisme ekonomi dan materialisme Kaum Marxis ortodoks yg bersifat ateistik.
Gerakan Buruh dan Sosialisme Eropa
Munculnya gerakan kelas pekerja didorong oleh Revolusi Industri baik di Britania, Eropa daratan maupun koloni-koloni di Asia. Di kepulauan Indonesia, khususnya Jawa dan Sumatra, industrialisasi dan kapitalisme pasar masuk setelah tahun 1870 yg ditandai dengan pertumbuhan pusat-pusat urban, perkebunan swasta dan pembangunan infrastruktur khususnya kereta api dan transportasi laut. Tetapi dalam banyak hal gerakan pekerja di Hindia Belanda merupakan perpanjangan dari perkembangan di Eropa.
Perkembangan gerakan pekerja di Eropa khususnya berpusat di Inggris yang berkarakter reformis seperti Chartisme dan perkumpulan Fabian, serta Jerman yang merupakan pusat sosialisme yang lebih radikal. Pembentukan asosiasi kaum pekerja internasional atau “First International” pada tahun 1864 menjadi tonggak awal dari bermunculannya partai-partai buruh di sejumlah negara Eropa.
Marxisme merupakan pengaruh utama di kalangan kelompok-kelompok ini walaupun mereka menyebut partai-partai ini sebagai ‘sosial-demokrat’. Di Belanda, organisasi terbesar adalah Social Democratische Arbeiders Partij (SDAP) yg terbentuk pada tahun 1894. Seperti halnya di negara-negara lain, perkumpulan ini tidak terlepas dari pertentangan internal antara kubu reformis (yang disebut ‘revisionis’ oleh para Marxis ortodoks) dan sosialis revolusioner. Di Jerman (SPD) kubu reformis dipelopori oleh Eduard Bernstein, sementara kaum Marxis sayap kiri diwakili Karl Kautsky dan Rosa Luxemburg.
Perbedaan visi antara kaum reformis – yang merupakan arus utama gerakan sosial demokrat – dan Marxis revolusioner tidak saja menyangkut sifat kapitalisme dan konflik kelas, tapi juga dalam hubungannya dengan imperialisme Eropa dan potensi masyarakat-masyarakay non-Eropa untuk bertransformasi menjadi sosialis. Karena karakter sosial ekonomi dan tahapan perkembangan yang berlainan dengan pola umum di Eropa, masyarakat-masyarakat dengan “mode produksi Asiatik” tidak dapat begitu saja dijelaskan dengan teori Marxis yang baku.
Di sinilah mereka menggunakan sejumlah teori Marxis turunan seperti teori Lenin tentang imperialisme sebagai tahapan tertinggi kapitalisme atau teori-teori yang belakangan dikembangkan menjadi “teori dependensi” (yang mengkontraskan ‘pusat’ dan ‘periferi’ dalam struktur kapitalisme global, tetapi ini diluar cakupan tulisan ini). Kaum reformis SDAP (H. Van Kol dan P. J. Troelstra) menganggap kolonialisme Belanda adalah suatu misi pemeradaban, serta merupakan ‘necessary condition’ bagi kapitalisme dan tercapainya masyarakat sosialis, karena itu mereka mendukung kebijakan Etis (1901-1926) pemerintah Hindia Belanda
Kaum revolusioner memisahkan diri dan mendukung oposisi terhadap kolonialisme dalam bentuk apapun, karena itu sejatinya mereka adalah pendukung pertama gerakan kemerdekaan penuh Indonesia. Eksponen utama dari aliran ini adalah Henk Sneevliet (1883-1942) yang memasuki Serikat buruh kereta api dan trem Hindia dan berhasil membentuk Asosiasi Sosial Demokrat Hindia (ISDV) pada Mei 1914, cikal bakal partai komunis (PKI). Organisasi ini menjadi besar setelah menarik dukungan dari sejumlah anggota Sarekat Islam maupun Insulinde (penerus Indische Partij-nya Ernest Douwes Dekker) yg nasionalis.
Pengaruh Komunisme Internasional (Komintern) khususnya faksi Stalinis terhadap PKI telah mendorong radikalisasi partai tersebut yang berujung pada pemberontakan umum yang gagal pada November 1926 di Jawa dan di Sumatra Barat pada Januari 1927. Tetapi hal ini juga yang menyebabkan skisma dalam tubuh partai antara pendukung Stalin (Alimin, Musso) dan komunisme nasionalis (Tan Malaka dkk). Uraian yang lebih panjang lebar tentang dinamika awal komunisme Indonesia dapat disimak dalam karya Ruth McVey, “The Rise of Indonesian Communism” (1965).
Bagaimana dengan awal sosialisme demokratik di Indonesia? Mengingat kaum sosial demokrat Belanda mengambil posisi yang relatif konservatif dalam persoalan hubungan kolonial – meski mendukung reformasi gradual terhadap status otonomi Hindia – mereka pada awalnya hanya memiliki pengaruh terbatas terhadap gerakan nasionalis Indonesia. Disamping sejumlah kontak antara SDAP dengan asosiasi pelajar Indonesia di Nederland, Indische Vereniging (IV) dan kemudian Perhimpunan Indonesia (PI) peran yang lebih aktif dimainkan oleh Komintern yang mendukung Liga Anti Imperialisme – gerakan anti kolonial internasional yg beranggotakan negara-negara jajahan di Asia dan Afrika.
Kongres liga di Brussel (Belgia) pada Februari 1927 dan terungkapnya aliansi nasionalis-komunis (yg masing-masing diwakili Hatta dan Semaun) menjelang pemberontakan besar akhir tahun 1926 menjadi alasan pemerintah Belanda menahan tokoh-tokoh PI. Pada saat itu setelah kongres Liga Anti Imperialisme, kaum komunis mulai mendominasi gerakan anti-kolonial di Nederland termasuk PI. Mohammad Hatta sebagai pendukung sosialisme demokratik dan reformis kemudian dikeluarkan dari keanggotaan Perhimpunan Indonesia.
Bersama Sutan Sjahrir dan aktivis mahasiswa sosial demokratik lainnya, Hatta membentuk klub Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia yang juga didukung sebagian anggota PNI (Sukarno) lama yang tidak menyetujui pembubaran partai tersebut. Adalah PNI-Baru dan tradisi partai kader yang mereka inisiasi menjadi mainstream dari pergerakan sosial demokratik yang berciri sebagai gerakan intelektual yg mengutamakan diskusi, dan pendidikan politik demokratis – seperti halnya perkumpulan Fabian di Inggris. Bersama dengan klub studi USI (Unitas Studiosorum Indonesiensis) pada tahun 1930-an yang berhaluan liberal, mereka menjadi cikal bakal lahirnya Partai Sosialis Indonesia.
Kaum ‘Marxis Nasionalis’
Marxisme nasionalis umumnya dihubungkan dengan pemikir politik kiri Minangkabau, Ibrahim Tan Malaka (1897-1949) dan dalam beberapa segi aliran ini mencakup pemikiran Sukarno mengenai ‘marhaenisme’. Intinya adalah menyesuaikan doktrin Marxis dengan kondisi masyarakat lokal atau Asiatik yg tidak dapat secara mutlak mengikuti Marxisme Eropa yg masyarakatnya telah terkondisikan oleh kapitalisme industrial.
Jika Tan Malaka merupakan pemikir yang secara serius menerapkan analisa Marxis tentang mode produksi Asiatik, maka ide Sukarno umumnya telah beranjak keluar dari teori perjuangan kelas. Konsep ‘marhaen’ sendiri ditemukan Sukarno sekitar tahun 1926 – setelah percakapannya dengan seorang petani lokal – sebagai representasi kaum petani yg dimiskinkan oleh eksploitasi kolonial dan feodal, tetapi tidak dapat dimasukkan dalam kategori proletariat, karena petani ini bagaimanapun masih memiliki tanah dan alat produksi sendiri tapi harus menjalani kerja wajib dan dibebani upeti oleh otoritas tradisional setempat.
Pendekatan Tan Malaka dan Sukarno juga memiliki sejumlah paralel. Selain menganjurkan Marxisme yang diadaptasikan dengan kepentingan nasionalisme anti kolonial, keduanya dalam tingkatan tertentu mendorong aliansi kaum Marxis (komunis) dan gerakan politik Islam.
Pendirian ini dan kecamannya terhadap Komintern secara terbuka karena menganggap Islamisme tak lebih dari refleksi kepentingan borjuasi pada kongres November 1922 telah menyebabkan Tan Malaka dikucilkan di kalangan komunis. Akan tetapi keduanya juga memiliki perbedaan mendasar karena latar belakang kulturalnya. Sebagai orang Minangkabau, Tan Malaka memiliki kecenderungan yang lebih kuat pada etos kosmopolitan dan modernisme politik serta lebih kritis terhadap kultur aristokrasi tradisional dibandingkan Sukarno yang Jawa.
Keadaan ini menimbulkan rivalitas yang cukup tajam dalam memperebutkan kepemimpinan revolusi nasional di tahun 1945-1946. Di luar itu kontribusi utama kaum ‘Marxis nasionalis’ ini terletak pada tradisi radikalisme pemuda dan populisme sayap kiri yang terus menjadi kekuatan penekan yang tak tertandingi selama periode revolusi dan nasionalisasi ekonomi pasca revolusi di tahun-tahun dekade 1950-an – suatu anti-tesis dari pendekatan intelektual kaum sosial demokrat Indonesia.
Referensi :
Harry A. Poeze, “Di Negeri Penjajah : Orang Indonesia di Negeri Belanda 1600-1950”, Jakarta, KITLV / Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2008
Jeanne S Mintz, “Muhammad, Marx, Marhaen : Akar Sosialisme Indonesia, Yogyakarta, Pustaka Pelajar, 2002
Kevin W. Fogg, “Indonesian Islamic Socialism and Its South Asian Roots”, Journal of Modern Asian Studies
Philippe Bourrinet, “The Dutch and German Communist Left 1900-68”, Leiden, Brill, 1995
Ruth T. McVey, “The Rise of Indonesian Communism”, Singapore, Equinox Publishing, 2006
Takashi Shiraishi, “Zaman Bergerak : Radikalisme Rakyat di Jawa 1912-1926”, Jakarta, Grafitti Press, 2005
Ilustrasi: pionart
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